Germany is world famous for its apprenticeship and ‘dual education’ system. But behind the display of efficiency there hides the reality of exploitation, in particular of migrant workers. Currently tens of thousands of apprentices are recruited from Vietnam, India or Africa. They often pay private agencies 2,000 to 3,000 Euro in their home-countries, plus an additional ‘deposit’ of a similar figure to the local employer. Many contracts say that this deposit is not returned in case the apprentice leaves the apprenticeship early. The number of foreign apprentices increased from 34,000 in late 2022 to 55,000 in March 2025. In hospitality, for example, apprentices are forced to work long hours. An apprentice from Vietnam recently staged a one-person protest in front of the hotel where they were working, holding a sign saying “No more 66-hours weeks!”. International nurses in the UK find themselves in similar situations, with NHS trusts or other employers trying to tie them to specific jobs.
Below you can read an interesting report from a native nursing apprentice, about the experiences of being a trainee in hospitals and elderly care homes. Things are tough for international apprentices, but things are not rosy for native workers either. You can learn about the daily troubles and forms of collective resistance.
Reflections on a year of work in nursing care
Intro
Everything started with two applications at the largest vocational schools in my city. I quickly received an acceptance on the condition that I first complete a two-week internship in a hospital. After that, I had a good feeling about the employer and decided to start the training programme. What I found (politcally) interesting about working in nursing is that . the crisis in the healthcare system is very tangible by the majority of society, there have been promising labour disputes in recent years, the composition of the nursing staff is in a state of constant change, and I hoped for a more pronounced solidarity amongst colleagues and a less monotonous job than elsewhere.
Training and vocational school
First, the basic facts about the training. The three-year training programme to become a nursing professional was completely revamped in Germany a few years ago. The formerly separate training programmes in health and nursing care, geriatric care and paediatric nursing were merged into a generalist training programme. The promise was that this would enhance the status of the profession and make it more attractive. Some vocational schools also offer four-year part-time training programmes, which are aimed particularly at parents. The prerequisites for the training programme are GCSEs and a clean criminal record. With a secondary school leaving certificate, it is also possible to start the three-year training programme via a nursing assistant training programme. Depending on the federal state, nursing assistants undergo one to two years of training. Until recently, however, training as a nursing assistant did not entitle the trainee to a residence permit, which meant that (prospective) migrant nurses were deported. However, the law on this has been changed since this year.
Unlike in many other countries, nursing studies in the form of a university degree are still marginal in Germany. The three-year training programme is divided into school blocks lasting several weeks and practical placements of one to three months in various areas of nursing: hospitals, outpatient care, retirement homes, paediatrics and psychiatry. I am employed by a Germany-wide corporation that operates a large hospital and a few smaller facilities in my city. Its strategy is to absorb smaller clinics and merge locations,. The company has its own vocational school with approximately 200 trainees. The vocational school classes are mixed with trainees from other institutions that focus on geriatric care. The school curriculum and the qualification are the same, but the working hours in the different areas vary. In my year at vocational school, around 80-90% of the students have a migrant background. The gender distribution is similar, the majority are women. Ages range from 17 to late 30s. The paths and reasons that brought people to the training programme are quite varied. Some have previous experience in care or have family members who work in the field, while others say they want to help people or simply earn money. Their migration stories are also very different: some are second-generation immigrants in Germany, some have been here since childhood, some worked as volunteers or au pairs 1-2 years ago, and some came to Germany just a few weeks before starting their training. The provider, which specialises in geriatric care, is currently recruiting trainees intensively from India and Vietnam, among other countries. Therefore, language, identity and life in Germany have been central topics of discussion from the outset. Among those who have been living in Germany for a longer period of time, virtually no one at my vocational school has chosen to specialise in geriatric care in elderly care homes. The reasons for this lie in the promise of better working conditions and career opportunities in hospitals and the generally higher social prestige. Even though most say they are going into nursing because they want to help people, very few of the trainees I have met would work in nursing if they had significantly more promising career opportunities. And contrary to the widespread image of self-sacrifice in nursing, virtually all of us long for long holidays and financial security, hate getting up early and don’t want to ruin our health for the job.
Although the training salary is initially slightly higher than in most other apprenticeships, at just over €1,000 net, it is hardly enough to cover the cost of living in a large German city. Some earn extra money on the side during their training. Most live with their parents or in dormitories, give a portion of their salary to their families and, in some cases, endure long commutes. Having to rely on individual trains for early shifts can be very nerve-wracking, as delays and last-minute cancellations are not uncommon. At 5 a.m., train stations are places that women in particular would rather avoid at that time of day than have to wait there for their commute to work.
Even more so than in other educational institutions, discipline plays a major role at vocational schools. Especially at the beginning, arriving late and absences were constant issues. Teachers note down delays of even a few minutes, and if they happen again, they add up to whole (unexcused) days of absence. There were threats of having to make up for lost days, and if the limit for absences (10%) was exceeded, the training had to be extended by at least six months. The probationary period – the first six months of training – was also used as a further means of pressure. During this period, the employer can terminate the training without giving reasons. At the end of the probationary period, there was a ‘conference’ at which a decision was made individually for each trainee as to whether or not they would continue with the training. Contrary to our expectations, this did not turn out to be a bluff, but ended in very emotional and tearful situations when people were actually expelled or had to repeat the six months. The reasons given (‘immaturity’, ‘not suitable for the job’) were hardly comprehensible and had not been communicated in advance, and the decision could not be appealed. For one trainee, this meant that she also had to leave her place in the hall of residence at short notice. In my opinion, at least some consideration was given to those whose residence status depended on the training programme. In general, however, the way this was handled left a lot of anger towards the employer and a lack of understanding as to why young people were being robbed of their prospects.
After six months, the group had shrunk considerably. Some quickly lost interest, others had to drop out or start from scratch (reasons included pregnancy, a broken leg, lack of language skills). Among the remaining trainees, however, solidarity has grown steadily. After almost a year, an almost friendly relationship has developed with many of them. We support each other with studies or other questions and problems, share meals, complain about work and occasionally spend time together outside of school and work. From what I have heard from trainees from other vocational schools and years, this sense of community is rather unusual and certainly has a lot to do with the fact that some people have actively and repeatedly tried to strengthen the cohesion and sense of solidarity among us.
While trainees have a whole range of obligations to fulfil, which are closely monitored, the vocational school has proven to be a poorly organised place. Timetables, work schedules and locations are constantly being changed at short notice, tasks are poorly communicated and there is a lot of bureaucratic red tape that we have to deal with alongside school and work. A major point of contention was that, contrary to what had been promised, advance expenses (e.g. for mandatory vaccinations) were not to be reimbursed or took months to be reimbursed (costs for travel tickets). There is also a lot of discontent about the fact that holiday days cannot be chosen freely, but are determined uniformly by the school. At the vocational school with more than 200 trainees, there is neither a trainee representative nor any form of trade union presence here or in the facilities. The only form of representation consists of class representatives, whose function is to pass on information or mediate in conflicts. Not particularly keen to take on the job, I was nevertheless elected to do so. At least I was able to address controversial issues on an individual basis and encourage my classmates to address injustices together. The school is located in a rather remote neighbourhood, where some office space has been rented. The plan to build a separate campus on the hospital grounds has been cancelled for financial reasons. The school’s facilities are correspondingly modest. There is no canteen, only a much too small and poorly equipped kitchenette and hardly any places to relax and retreat. The school day is long and the weeks are packed with all kinds of ‘performance assessments’: graded group work, written assignments, presentations and exams.
The content and methods are comparatively modern, which means that instead of learning anatomy by heart in a traditional classroom setting or being taught classic school subjects, the learning content is packaged into numerous small modules. In terms of content, since generalisation, there has been a stronger focus on topics such as communication, ethics and care planning. Methodologically, attention is paid to variety, with lots of group work and the use of smartboards. Similar to the aims of politicians, vocational schools are attempting to redefine the role of nursing professionals in order to develop professional pride. Moving away from the image of butt wipers and doctors’ assistants, future professionals are to be recognised as a profession in their own right, with their own defined areas of responsibility, extensive skills, their own research topics and career opportunities.
The teachers are generally understanding and try hard to convey the content to us. However, there were also repeated minor conflicts in which the mood could quickly change. The fact that all the teachers have worked in nursing themselves, in some cases for many years, creates a bond. Although it is part of their job to motivate us trainees for the profession, it is not entirely unreasonable to suspect that for some teachers, the move to vocational school was an escape from poor working conditions in practice. However, it quickly became clear to us that the teachers’ own working conditions were not the best. Sick leave and resignations meant that teachers had to step in at short notice and timetables had to be constantly revised. After a case of illness, teachers usually have to make up for all the lessons they have missed. To cover the shortage of teaching staff, tasks for ‘self-directed learning’ are repeatedly assigned. This means that you have to take it upon yourself to teach yourself the material. In general, the content taught at vocational school prepares you for practical assignments to varying degrees. Some trainees are frustrated that they are not learning ‘the important stuff’, which leads to frequent debates. However, even the teachers acknowledge that there are sometimes considerable differences between theory and practice.
The practical assignments
The practical assignments are like a game of chance. Without the opportunity to have a say, we are assigned our next placements a few weeks or a few months in advance. The differences are enormous, even if it is just a different ward in the same hospital or a different floor of a care facility. Our practical experiences vary accordingly. From enriching and varied placements with considerate, open-minded colleagues to placements that were an ordeal for some. Used as stopgaps, fellow students reported immense workloads, bullying within the team, disregard for break times and a lack of practical instruction hours. In the first year, work is organised in a two-shift system, consisting of early and late shifts. Later in the training, occasional night shifts are added. The duty rosters are drawn up by the ward managers or residential area managers. I usually had to work every second weekend, and care was taken to ensure that there was no direct change from late to early shift. However, it is difficult to plan appointments in the long term in practical terms because the working hours for the month are only communicated at short notice. As a result, you start to organise your whole life around work. The legal limit for the maximum number of consecutive working days is absurdly high at up to 19 days. In nursing homes in particular, it is not uncommon to work more than 7 days in a row.
In hospitals, central practice instructors are employed in order to take care of the trainees. In my experience, this works well in practice. As a trainee, you have the opportunity to learn from the practice instructors about 1-2 times a week, outside of everyday operations. Ideally, the practical instructors are also allies and counsellors when problems arise on the ward. In nursing homes, practical instructors are not usually exempt from their duties, which means that in everyday life they have to look after students in addition to their normal duties, and for the trainees it means playing catch-up in order to reach the prescribed number of supervised hours. It is not uncommon for supervised hours to be simply made up. The main thing is to pass the assignment formally. During the assignments, a visit from a teacher is planned, which at least gives individuals the opportunity to address critical issues and see what can be changed about the situation. After the placements, they are reflected on together at the vocational school. This gives a good overview of the working conditions in the various wards of the hospital and in the various other institutions and encourages discussion among the students. Complaints about poor conditions during the placements are usually dismissed by the school on the grounds that the placements are only of limited duration. It has also been said that negative experiences by trainees would lead to the discontinuation of cooperation with external partners. A change of placement is only possible in exceptional cases.
Placement in a hospital
During my first placement, I was assigned to a relatively small hospital. The many encounters and close cooperation between a wide variety of professional groups and people was one of my most memorable first experiences. In addition to the nursing staff, this included bed transport, transport service, reception, cleaning staff, physiotherapists, paramedics, social services, pastoral carers, administrative staff, doctors, volunteers, and so on. Even within nursing, there are numerous roles on a ward, such as hygiene officers, wound care, discharge management,, practical instruction, etc. The immediate effects of this division of labour become apparent very quickly: the numerous interlocking work processes that constantly lead to tension but also make solidarity very tangible. The frequent discussions about who is or should be responsible for which tasks. The impact it has on you when colleagues are ill or materials cannot be delivered. The work organisation, which is sometimes as tightly scheduled as working on an assembly line and at other times so chaotic that it seems like a miracle that everything has worked reasonably well at the end of the day. A pneumatic pod system now saves a lot of running around (e.g. for billing, samples or medication), but it also means that direct contact with colleagues in other wards has decreased.
The ward where I worked was characterised by an extremely high turnover of patients. After two days off, more than half of the patients may have already changed. The rooms were sometimes reoccupied so fast that patients who were being discharged had to be asked to pack their belongings as quickly as possible. As far as I can tell, the enormous reduction in length of stay over the last few years can be attributed to a combination of various factors: New technological possibilities such as minimally invasive surgery (‘fast-track surgery’), economic pressure from the DRG system (flat rates per case) combined with an ideological component (short hospital stays are conducive to the recovery process). As a consequence, the focus of nursing work is also shifting. Patients should be taken out of bed by nursing staff as soon as possible after surgery, and the large number of admissions and discharges increases the coordination effort and requires a lot of time for pre- and post-operative measures. For stays of only a few days, however, personal hygiene and relationship building are considered negligible. I was surprised by the amount of time nursing staff spend on the computer every day: writing care reports, ticking off measures, entering vital signs, taking care of admissions and discharges, and much more. Contrary to what is taught in school, the primary purpose of this is not to ensure individual, needs-oriented care, but to be able to bill for ‘care services’, justify longer hospital stays to health insurance companies, and protect oneself legally against lawsuits. When an employee from the controlling department explained her work to us trainees, she complained about the poor quality of her colleagues’ care documentation and wanted to explain to us how important it is, because it generates the income for our salaries. For most colleagues, however, documentation is rather tedious, and they click through the predefined sentence templates or use copy & paste.
The tasks performed by trainees vary depending on the location and requirements. These include repetitive tasks that colleagues are happy to hand over, such as measuring vital signs, restocking cupboards, serving meals, making beds, assisting with toilet visits and personal hygiene, and answering the bell. In everyday work, however, there are always situations in which we trainees are expected to perform tasks that we have no idea how to do or that are too demanding for our level of training. Refusal always carries the risk of becoming unpopular with the team or being considered lazy and unmotivated. It is often difficult to predict what to expect on duty. There are days when I was almost constantly on the go, but there are also periods when there is less to do. Late shifts are generally more relaxed than early shifts, but they can also drag on.
The quieter moments were a good opportunity to chat with colleagues. One older colleague in particular told me a lot about how she perceived the changes in the hospital. Having come to Germany from the former Yugoslavia, she had hardly any time to settle in. After only a few weeks of German lessons, she started working on the ward without understanding much of what the patients or colleagues were saying. She described the work at that time as extremely stressful. By the end of her shift, her mind and body were pushed to their limits, and in retrospect, she is not sure how she managed to cope with the workload at the time. She also remembers particularly stressful night shifts, resuscitations and deaths from that time, some of which still haunt her today. The training situation was also completely different back then. There were no practical instructors; students simply tagged along and there was little time for explanations or questions. That is why today’s training is perceived as a massive improvement, despite all criticism.
New regulations on staffing ratios in nursing (minimum nursing staff levels) have also brought about noticeable improvements. Nevertheless, the current situation is viewed rather negatively. The fragmentation into individual areas of responsibility and occupational groups, for example in meal distribution, transport, etc., has contributed to a decline in collegiality or a sense of team work. In their view, there used to be more mutual recognition in the past, whereas today tasks are shifted onto others. Patients have also changed in their perception and have become more demanding and less grateful. In addition, the importance of documentation and liability has increased dramatically. Today, all actions are carried out on instruction and for virtually every activity, it must be possible to prove when and by whom it was performed. In the past, the possibility of ending up in court for mistakes was not even considered, but today many are more aware of this. In her opinion, improvements in the working situation do not come from the employer, but had to be imposed on them by law. On the other hand, employers do nothing on their own and are ungrateful even to colleagues who have been employed at the hospital for a long time. In view of this, many are somewhat cynical about the and ‘corporate philosophy’ propagated by the company to the outside world. From the colleague’s point of view, many decisions are made by people who have no idea about everyday nursing care. One example of this is the ordering of materials, which are repeatedly of poor quality. Similarly, some colleagues judge nursing students, who are accused of only wanting to do office jobs instead of working at the patient’s bedside.
During my assignment, issues repeatedly arose that caused discontent among colleagues. These included an insufficient number of overpriced parking spaces, the cancellation of training opportunities for cost reasons, and the regular transfer of patients from other wards. The strikes at the university hospitals were not mentioned in the discussions and their effects were not noticeable. The employee representative body is also virtually inactive. In my opinion, the nursing staff appear confident individually, criticise abuses and are aware of their importance due to the shortage of nursing staff. However, hardly anyone has any hope that anything significant will change. That is why some long for retirement, while others tell me that they are planning to become self-employed or are considering changing employers. The younger colleagues see the physical signs left by years of hard work on the older carers as a warning. For the trainees, their first assignments mean finding their way between their own ideas about the nursing profession, the expectations of their colleagues and the reality of everyday hospital life.
Working in geriatric care
My placement in geriatric care took place in a facility run by a church organisation. There, one nurse is responsible for around 10-15 residents per shift. Overall, I found the work to be more physically demanding because residents need to be mobilised from their beds more often and personal hygiene is more important than in a hospital. According to the concept of primary nursing, the residents are assigned to specific carers, but this was rarely practised in everyday life and colleagues were repeatedly assigned to different shifts. The frequent changes in nursing staff and the lack of time were also frequently complained about by the residents. Social activities were organised by care workers, so that nursing staff had relatively little to do with them. The work with the residents varies in terms of time intensity. Colleagues told me that in recent years, the residents’ need for care has increased significantly, and with it, the average workload per resident has also risen further. While a few years ago, older people moved into nursing homes even if they had only minor limitations , the proportion of people who can hardly or cannot leave their beds, are severely demented or withdraw from society has increased significantly. The number of social activities for residents, on the other hand, has decreased. The pandemic also had an impact on this, as many activities and smaller projects were not revived after it.
A recurring problem in everyday work, which is also familiar from many other institutions, is the problem of missing materials. When incontinence pads are carefully counted or a delivery of laundry is delayed again, you either have to search the cupboards throughout the building for leftovers, use materials ‘sparingly’ or improvise in other ways. Similar to the hospital, the distribution of tasks among colleagues from different professional groups was a constant topic of discussion. For example, management tried to enforce that nursing staff should take on the preparation and clearing away of meals more often because savings in housekeeping staff were planned. Often, such tasks are then taken on by trainees. Legally, trainees are not allowed to fill gaps in the duty roster, but in practice this is not uncommon. Despite the high workload, colleagues have found individual ways to take breaks and retreat to places away from supervision. Among the auxiliary staff in particular, identification with the profession was noticeably lower, resulting in a greater attitude of refusal. In contrast, I had the impression that skilled workers had a greater desire for participation and change, but were also more willing to accept overtime and a higher workload.
I met a few agency workers during my time there, but they made up a comparably small proportion of the staff. However, everyone is aware of their bargaining position: nursing staff are in short supply and you can get a job almost anywhere. People therefore ignore certain rules set by management, laugh at warnings, threaten to change jobs if they are dissatisfied, or discuss career alternatives with close colleagues. There was also a perception among colleagues that nursing staff are arrogant towards geriatric care staff. This is also reflected in the fact that there are repeated mutual recriminations between acute and long-term care, for example when it comes to the health of residents/patients. Some trainees also tend to look down on certain care tasks (personal hygiene) compared to other activities (medical stuff), and some feel like they need to lecture assistants with their textbook knowledge. Still, working in different areas also gives you the chance to build more solidarity within the care sector.
During my time at the facility, the possible change from a 6-day working week to a 5-day working week was a frequent topic of discussion among the team. Most people were dissatisfied with the current working model because it left them with few days off and therefore little time for regeneration. However, there were also serious concerns about the impact that such a change could have. Experience had already been gained in another area where the change had already been implemented. There were fears of an increase in workload, as there would probably be fewer staff responsible for the work during a shift in future and additional tasks would have to be taken on. The fact that management gave the impression that nursing staff would have a say in the decision led to interesting discussions among colleagues about how to organise the work in a more bearable way, but at the same time created pressure to find a solution that would be supported by as many people as possible under fundamentally difficult conditions. One colleague in particular, who will probably take over as residential area manager in the future, criticised having to spend his private time developing a viable model. In this respect, having a greater say is not automatically something desirable for colleagues, but can also be used by management to shift responsibility and harbours a lot of potential for conflict among colleagues. And while it is common practice among us trainees to regularly exchange information via Messenger groups, in my experience this is rather unpopular among other colleagues, as such groups are often used as an opportunity to ask who can fill in for a shift, making it almost impossible to switch off from work.
One topic that came up repeatedly in conversations with other trainees and colleagues is the specific migrant experience in the German care system. The stark contrast between the predominantly foreign care staff and the predominantly white German care recipients not only reveals the specific structure of the social division of labour, but also creates a generally critical view of the current state of German society among many. Firstly, despite all the public assurances about the high status of the nursing profession, it is obvious that the vast majority of Germans avoid this job. And secondly, while in many migrant communities the care of the sick and elderly is traditionally largely taken on by relatives, hardly anyone in the German majority society seems to be interested in these population groups. This creates an image of an individualised society in which family structures have broken down and selfishness dominates. A rich country that abandons its people in need and leaves the unpopular jobs to migrants whose relatives cannot afford nursing homes and who often consider it a disgrace to ‘hand over’ their relatives to them. While ‘demographic change’ is cited in public debate and at vocational school as a quasi-natural explanation for the crisis in the German care system, this classexperience contrasts with that view. In general, everyday work with people in need of care repeatedly raises the question of what ideas, fears and desires one has when it comes to a possible situation of being dependent on the help of others. Discussions about this repeatedly reveal important starting points for a critique of this society as well as the desire for a needs-oriented coexistence.
Initial conclusions
More reports, analyses and perspectives from the institutions are needed. While numerous media reports repeatedly expose abuses in the healthcare system and studies have highlighted the consequences of economisation and the flat-rate payment system, there is currently a lack of in-depth discussion of the everyday processes that characterise work in the ‘white factory’ that is the hospital. Not only to show how bad everything is, but to understand how the cooperation of hundreds of people keeps the hospital running every day and what potential for change can be seen in this. Despite all the justified enthusiasm about the hospital movement, many articles tend to ignore the limited impact of the protests, which have so far been largely confined to university hospitals. In many wards, there is little sign of the hoped-for change. However, this also opens up spaces in which a combative self-organisation can grow beyond social partnership. To do this, however, we also need to get to know the views of those who do not appear in public. This makes the many everyday conversations with colleagues all the more valuable.
We have to focus on the interrelationships between the various areas of care. While the focus of the debate is currently on the hospital sector, the majority of care work takes place elsewhere. And the work in the various areas of care has a strong influence on each other. This raises a number of questions that could also be important in terms of future struggles: What consequences do increasingly shorter hospital stays have on outpatient care and care in senior citizens’ facilities (keyword: bloody discharges)? How will the increasing number of facility closures affect the various local care structures? What impact will the switch to generalist training have on the future distribution of skilled workers across the various areas? What opportunities for solidarity are conceivable across institutions? To what extent are politicians attempting to address the dual crisis consisting of sharply rising costs of professional care on the one hand and the fragile model of care provided by relatives on the other? (e.g. promotion of neighbourhood structures)
What is our role as a trainee? As a trainee, you find yourself in a special situation for a limited period of a few years, commuting between vocational school and practical training, with frequently changing locations, limited involvement in work processes and your own interests and experiences. Training companies fluctuate between short-term and long-term benefit calculations when dealing with trainees. On the one hand, there is an interest in keeping trainees reasonably satisfied in order to retain them as an investment in the future, but at the same time, the trainees’ labour is also needed because otherwise the personnel gaps can hardly be filled. This repeatedly leads to conflicts between the parties involved. This is also reflected in the relationship with colleagues, which can sometimes be supportive and appreciative and sometimes exploitative. It is not always the older generations, some of whom still have a different idea of discipline and subordination (‘apprenticeship years are not master years’), but also recent graduates who use their newly acquired position to boss trainees around.
Especially in the first year, you never really belong to the teams, you have to work hard to earn recognition, you are still overwhelmed by many things and you try to cope with the countless impressions, the high speed and the complexity of the processes. At the same time, as a ‘newcomer’ you are often given a certain amount of protection, can refer to your rights as a trainee or escape the stresses and strains for a while by focusing on learning tasks. Patients, residents and relatives also often express their respect for you for doing the training, and many people ask questions that reveal their interest, which can be good opportunities for conversation. Compared to other colleagues, you can take more time to work with those in your care and respond more to their individual needs, which is particularly appreciated by older people.
In addition, as a trainee, you almost always have the opportunity to ask colleagues and superiors questions on all kinds of topics without it being particularly noticeable. You can also take the opportunity to take a close look at a wide variety of areas and accompany other professional groups for part of their shift. Networking among trainees allows you to quickly make contact with a large number of people and share experiences about which wards, institutions, facilities and vocational schools are recommended or not. This reduces the risk of becoming blind to problems outside the organisation. However, the limited period of three years is an obstacle to joint organisation among trainees. Instead, they tend to put up with problems and hope that things will improve after their training. Nevertheless, the potential for this does exist. Everyday experiences in working life, at vocational school and in the areas of social infrastructure and reproduction (housing, local transport, inflation, social life) offer numerous starting points for fighting for change collectively.
